Members of the European Parliament Highlight Their View About Obama's Increase of Troops in Afghanistan

/PRNewswire/ -- Members of the European Parliament attentively followed the unfolding of the latest surge strategy for Afghanistan by President Barack Obama and issued a letter stating their apprehension about increasing the number of American Troops and sought additional forces from NATO allies. They question how an operation ending in 2011 can achieve to eradicate Al Qaeda, when the current operation, which has so far lasted over eight years, has till date seized to reach this aim.

The most prudent strategy that the US and its allies need to follow is not to set deadlines to withdraw but rather to make it very clear to Al Qaeda and other terrorist groups that have enjoyed operating from the region, that no withdrawal will take place until these groups and their activities have been completely militarily neutralized. This is the message that must be sent not only to the extremist groups directly but also to those within Pakistan's establishment, who continue to support and sympathize with such radical, islamic organizations. Should NATO leave in 2011, these groups would feel victorious and in their newfound euphoria would once again escalate violent activities. Especially neighbouring India would again be singled out as the primary target.

The urge of those in Europe, who are committed to democracy and human rights and have campaigned against international terrorism are extremely concerned and worried that hasty decisions defined by domestic policies, electoral calculations and set timelines would undo whatever has been achieved so far and at great price in terms of financial cost and, more importantly, loss of life, in the war against terror. They urged the US Government and the Heads of Government of the other involved NATO countries and other world leaders of democratic nations, to re-evaluate the enormous dangers that a hasty withdrawal from Afghanistan would pose for the security and stability of the region surrounding Afghanistan and the rest of the world. They must live up to their commitment to rid the world of international terrorism, irrespective of how long it might take and however unpopular the conflict might be at home.

Signed and Supported by
Dr. Charles Tannock
Member of the European Parliament

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U.S. Department of State/ Sudan Strategy

(APO) In the past, the United States' approach to Sudan has been reactive rather than proactive and narrowly focused on emerging crises. The new strategy focuses on reinvigorating the international support that is critical to building peace and security in Sudan. The strategy is the first comprehensive U.S. policy on Sudan that recognizes the links between the Darfur and implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. More importantly, the strategy is based on a policy of “verify, then trust” such that backsliding on CPA implementation or failure by any party to work to resolve the situation in Darfur is met with credible pressure, leveraged by the United States or the international community. These changes, while seemingly simple, are significant and allow us to begin the necessary long-term planning and coordination at all levels of government.

Our history in dealing with the complex challenges in Sudan has taught the importance of:

A full-time special envoy central to the approach

An approach that is integrated, comprehensive, and uses all elements of influence to achieve our strategic objectives

A frank dialogue by the Special Envoy with the Government of Sudan about what needs to be accomplished, how the bilateral relationship can improve if conditions transform, and how the government would become even more isolated if conditions remain the same or worsen. The dialogue must be based on a policy of “verify, then trust”

Broadening the multilateral coalition actively working to achieve peace in Darfur and the full implementation of the CPA. Backsliding by any party will be met with credible, meaningful disincentives leveraged by Washington and the international community

Sudan is one of the largest and most devastating humanitarian crises of the 21st century: over 2 million people were killed in the decades-long war between north and south and hundreds of thousands died and millions displaced as the result of genocide in Darfur. In addition, it is one of the most important and complex political and security challenges in Africa.

When the administration began the policy review on Sudan nearly seven months ago, it was with the clear understanding that any resulting strategy to address these enormous challenges would need to encompass the whole of government, the international community, and stakeholders from civil society. The U.S. Strategy on Sudan is a result of extensive interagency coordination and planning at the highest levels and well as a frank dialogue with our partners in the international community, congress, and advocacy groups.

The strategy recognizes that any durable solution to the conflict in Darfur must be inclusive of all segments of Darfuri society and address the root causes of the conflict – including political representation and development – as well as compensation for survivors and reconciliation. For this reason, the United States is working aggressively to find ways of including the voices of Darfuri civil society representatives in peace talks.

This new strategy comes only months prior to significant deadlines in the CPA being reached, and therefore reflects the urgency with which we view those milestones, to include national elections and a referendum on southern succession. The Strategy outlines how the United States will work closely with its international partners to: provide assistance for elections in 2010 and the referendum on southern self-determination in 2011; support efforts to push for the timely and transparent demarcation of the North-South border, support conflict resolution mechanisms within southern Sudan and along the north-south border; and Promote Improved Governing Capacity and Greater Transparency in Southern Sudan.

Source: US Department of State

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Gates: U.S. Won't Allow Taliban Resurgence in Afghanistan

As the United States reviews its strategy in Afghanistan, one thing is certain: The United States won't let the Taliban threaten the Afghan government and re-establish safe havens there, Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates said on National Public Radio yesterday.

"I would say that at a minimum, the mission is to prevent the Taliban from retaking power against the democratically elected government in Afghanistan and thus turning Afghanistan potentially again into a haven for alQaida and other extremist groups," Gates said.

The secretary conceded that the situation in Afghanistan "began to go downhill again" in 2005 and 2006. That's when the Taliban started taking advantage of safe havens on the Pakistani side of the Pakistan-Afghan border and began "to re-infiltrate into Afghanistan and create security problems."

The decision to send an additional 17,000 U.S. troops to Afghanistan and reassess the strategy there focuses on this challenge. "We've really just been responding to that," Gates said. "Clearly, we all still have our work cut out for us."

Although NATO is committing additional troops to provide security for the August elections, the secretary said he was not sure if they'd remain for any prolonged period.

"The allies have sent all the troops that they have committed to send. It hasn't been that they have failed to follow through on their commitments," he said.

The problem is that "the need is greater than the commitments that have been made to this point," he said. "And so we would like more help."

But the biggest shortfall, he said, isn't on the military side. "Really, where we need the help is on the civilian side, whether it's agricultural specialists or people who can help with governance, economic development and so on," he said.

Gates reiterated the need for achievable near- and mid-term goals in Afghanistan, with benchmarks to assess the effectiveness of the mission there. These, he said, will "measure whether we are actually making progress and getting to a better place in Afghanistan in terms of security, in terms of credibility of the government" and how the U.S.-Afghan partnership is working.

These, he said, aren't the same goals the United States hopes to see in 10, 20 or 30 years -- "a completely democratic, fully economically developed ally."

He referred to this state as "Valhalla," a mythical utopian state, but conceded, "I think that's a little ways in the distance."

Turning to Iraq, Gates said he's "on the same page" with President Barack Obama regarding the drawdown of U.S. troops there. "The fact is that if there is no new agreement with the Iraqis, there will be zero U.S. troops in Iraq after the end of 2011," he said.

But Gates conceded that the United States may maintain a "very modest-sized presence" after the status-of-forces agreement expires in December 2011 to provide training, equipment assistance and intelligence support. That would happen, he said, only if the Iraqis request it, and if Obama approves the request.

As the discussion turned to intelligence, Gates defended the work of intelligence professionals who have become the targets of frequent pot-shots. "They really do a very good job of telling you what's going on right now around the world," he said. "But forecasting – the truth of the matter is they're not a lot better than anybody else. And I think policymakers need to understand that."

Gates noted the challenge of getting a true picture of what's taking place in Iran and other potential hot spots around the world.

"Obviously, some targets are much more difficult than others," he said. Iran, North Korea and Cuba are all very difficult targets.

"The truth of the matter is, for decades our intelligence hasn't been terrific on some of these places," Gates said. "I think there's a lot of effort to try and make it better. But there's still a lot of uncertainty out there."

By Donna Miles
American Forces Press Service

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